VOICES, is a forum that highlights the expertise of those who make up and support the organization. WFPG members and partners are invited to submit blog posts on international affairs and foreign policy topics, women's leadership, and career advancement. Posts represent the reflections and personal views of members and guest bloggers and not those of their employers or of the WFPG. Interested in submitting a post? Guidelines | Membership
In 2024, over half of the global population across 64 countries will head to the polls to exercise their political autonomy. On July 28th, Venezuela’s voters will do just that in the country’s most open election in over a decade. After coming to power in 2013 following the death of Hugo Chávez, the founder of Venezuela’s socialist state, President Maduro began ruling with a heavy hand. His rising authoritarianism held negative repercussions for the country’s economic and institutional stability and humanitarian efforts, contributing to a mass exodus and subsequent immigration crisis. Over 8 million people—one-fifth of the population—fled to surrounding Latin American nations and the United States. Maduro maintained his reign by silencing the opposition, holding sham elections, and barring candidates from election ballots. However, the United States played a key role in Maduro’s sudden switch to holding a free and fair election. In October 2023, Biden pledged to ease sanctions in response to a deal between the Venezuelan government and the opposition party to recognize the 2024 election. The opposition party relied on grassroots efforts to unite more than six hundred thousand Venezuelans in search of democracy, and María Corina Machado became the undisputed leader after winning over 92% of the primary vote. However, the regime-backed supreme court later banned Machado from holding public office in January of this year. Instead, Edmundo González Urrutia, endorsed by Ms. Machado,will run against incumbent President Nicolás Maduro. González Urrutia’s goals to alleviate the environmental and social impacts of the country’s mining and oil practices reflect those of the opposition party, ultimately garnering their support for him. A few points on his list of reforms include facilitating the transition to renewable energy, privatizing state-owned companies, and conducting thorough investigations of the state oil company. The Women’s Foreign Policy Group recently hosted a virtual fireside chat with María Corina Machado and moderator Cynthia Arnson, a distinguished fellow at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars and adjunct lecturer at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies. Mere weeks before the election, Machado reflected on her hopes and fears for July 28th, reaffirming her eagerness for the unique moment in Venezuelan history to play out in favor of democracy and end the 35-year political divide.Despite holding fears over violent or unfair reactions to the election results by the current regime, Machado leads with hope in her heart. In search of “justice, not revenge,” she envisions a united future where people no longer live in fear of persecution. While stressing the need for unity in the party and grassroots levels, she spoke of the power and passion of her domestic supporters, referencing the huge rallies, loud voices, and youth and female engagement that are all equally crucial to a democratic victory. Machado concluded with a message for the international community to recognize Venezuela’s readiness of its people to vote: she hopes that the world will “recognize and support the will of the Venezuelan people” through economic, technical, and financial assistance to propel the nation out of its intersectional crises. Machado’s leadership underscores the power and importance of women’s participation in shaping political history. The Women’s Foreign Policy Group wholeheartedly wishes Machado success as a strong female leader steadfast in her mission of promoting prosperity and democracy in Venezuela. As the world awaits the results of the upcoming election, she has set a precedent for amplifying women's voices and forging movements inclusive of broad swaths of society.
El 2 de junio del 2024, México vivió unas elecciones históricas. Por primera vez en 200 años de historia del país, una mujer, Claudia Sheinbaum fue elegida como presidenta con el 60% de los votos. Sheinbaum, científica y ex alcaldesa de la Ciudad de México, próximamente estará en la posición para realizar avances en la relación entre México y Estados Unidos. El 20 de junio, Women's Foreign Policy Group (WFPG) y la International Student House, en asociación con Booking.com llevaron a cabo una evento con el propósito de hablar sobre el futuro de las relaciones entre México y Estados Unidos a partir de estas históricas elecciones. En el evento se contó con la participación de interesantes oradoras; cada una de ellas aportó una perspectiva única sobre los principales desafíos que enfrentan ambos países, así como el espacio que existe para la colaboración entre ellos. La Jefa adjunta de la Embajada de México en Estados Unidos, Ana Luisa Fajer, dió inició a la conversación hablando sobre la importancia que tiene este momento para la historia de las mujeres en la política mexicana, haciendo un recorrido histórico de las mujeres en el gobierno de México desde la primera participación que se tuvo de las mujeres en las elecciones federales y las reformas que se han realizado para promover la equidad de género en las posiciones de poder. La embajadora se enfocó en las principales propuestas de Claudia Sheinbaum respecto a las relaciones con Estados Unidos; dentro de las que destacan los temas económicos, de comercio, de seguridad y de atender la raíz de los problemas de migración que existen, haciendo énfasis en la importancia de continuar y fortalecer la relación entre los países vecinos. Rachel Poynter; como subsecretaria adjunta del Estado para Norteamérica, se enfoca en las relaciones trilaterales de Estados Unidos con México y Canadá. Por lo que apoyó las conclusiones de la embajadora Fajer, ambos países se necesitan para seguir prosperando. También señaló el valor del comercio entre estos países, y la importancia de realizar un análisis de lo que no está funcionando en esta relación para asegurar avance sostenible. Poynter destacó la importancia de tener una fuerte democracia en México, tomando en cuenta esto, su posición respecto a las relaciones entre estos países es optimista. En cuanto a las prioridades de seguridad de los Estados Unidos, también destacó el tema de la migración como área de oportunidad para trabajar juntos. Lila Abed, directora de operaciones del Mexico Institute en Wilson Center, proporcionó una perspectiva interesante, enfocándose en sus preocupaciones y esperanzas respecto a la presidenta electa. Estar en esta posición de poder le da una oportunidad a Sheinbaum para actuar respecto a la inseguridad que viven las mujeres en México. Abed añadió contexto a la situación señalando que un solo partido cuenta con el poder para aprobar o negar las propuestas que se presenten en el congreso. En consecuencia, algunas de las propuestas que Sheinbaum busca llevar a cabo podrían afectar la inversión en México e impedir la colaboración entre México y Estados Unidos. Dentro de las propuestas que mencionó se encuentra la reforma que busca que todos los jueces sean electos por voto popular, la reforma electoral que busca transformar al instituto que actúa como autoridad electoral en México, el Instituto Nacional Electoral y la reforma de seguridad con la guardia nacional. La conversación siguió con una sesión dinámica de preguntas y respuestas, en donde se presentaron preguntas sobre el impacto de estas reformas de gobierno en México, sobre el tema de migración, entre otros temas. Este evento definitivamente trajo consigo una gran variedad de perspectivas respecto al futuro de las relaciones entre México y Estados Unidos y las participantes brindaron una discusión muy dinámica para todos los asistentes. A pesar de las distintas perspectivas de las oradoras, se habló de muchos temas importantes. México y Estados Unidos deben seguir trabajando juntos, ya que los desafíos transfronterizos afectan cada vez más la seguridad nacional y los intereses de ambos países. La elección de la primera mujer de México es un paso histórico, sin embargo, su elección por sí sola no cambiará necesariamente el curso de la relación entre Estados Unidos y México, ni resolverá los problemas de equidad que existen en México. Ahora que comienza la presidencia de Sheinbaum, WFPG espera analizar cómo una presidenta al frente de nuestro vecino del sur dará forma al futuro de una relación cada vez más entrelazada. On June 22nd , the Ivano-Frankivsk National Technical University was bombed, leaving approximately 9,500 students unable to continue their education. Located in western Ukraine, Ivano-Frankivsk is considered relatively safe. The Ivano-Frankivsk National Technical University is also located 300 metres (.18 miles) from my father’s childhood house; a place my family had moved to at the beginning of the war for safety. This situation hits close to home, literally.
This is one of the many instances that remind me that no one is truly safe in a war zone, no matter how far from the border you are. Throughout the war, over 200 schools in Ukraine have been destroyed, and over 1600 have experienced damages, forcing over 900,000 Ukrainian children to switch to online education. Many students, including me, have become accustomed to studying in bomb shelters; we are considered lucky to have the opportunity to continue their studies in-person. There have been many instances where I had to spend more time in the bomb shelter than in my classroom. Due to the overwhelming amount of air raids, I experienced education loss from being forced to go into the bomb shelter, which impacted my academics. I consequently switched from my public school to a school that is more adjusted for education underground. While I am very grateful for this opportunity to switch schools, the vast majority of students in Ukraine don’t have this option. According to the Ukrainian Ministry of Education, over 60% of schools in Ukraine have bomb shelters. Most of these bomb shelters don’t provide the environment necessary to continue a meaningful education. This also leaves 40% of Ukrainian schools completely unable to continue with in-person education. An educated youth is vital for the long-term development of Ukraine. So, many schools have started to adjust to the situation. As one example, it’s common for schools to now offer a summer school program for students to catch up on the material they missed as a result of air raids. Online classes have also become a staple in Ukrainian education since COVID, but since Ukraine’s energy infrastructure has been getting shelled more often, the country has had to introduce blackout timetables to prevent a full-scale long term blackout. The blackout timetables are divided by areas in every city, making it unlikely for everyone from the same class to have electricity at the same time. This makes online education almost impossible, leaving thousands of students being forced to self-study. Despite the hardships, teachers in Ukraine are trying their best to adjust to the unstable circumstances. Even after nights where they cannot sleep due to bombings, they still show up everyday to their jobs to continue to teach. I had teachers who had to spend their nights handwriting several pages of exercises and information for classes, because they had no electricity all night. The dedication of Ukrainian teachers truly makes them modern heroes and our country is very lucky to have such determined educators. No one should have to go through the hardships that Ukrainian students and educators have gone through, however, the war has made the education field stronger than ever. Now Ukrainian students are capable of studying during bombings, blackouts, and pandemics, they have learnt discipline, tenacity, and determination, skills that Ukraine will require for its rebuilding process.
Celebrating Women Diplomats: Eighteen Years of Fostering Community and Inspiration On June 12th, the Women’s Foreign Policy Group hosted its annual keystone event, the Celebration of Women Diplomats in partnership with the Embassy of Ireland. Since 2006, WFPG has annually recognized the strides that female diplomats have made in international affairs by honoring female ambassadors and deputy chiefs of mission. In her opening remarks, Ambassador Geraldine Byrne Nason, the Ambassador of Ireland to the United States, reflected on the progress she witnessed during her career. As the 19th person and only the second woman to hold this crucial position, she is a pioneer and an inspiration for foreign policy professionals. As she proudly recognized women’s crucial role in diplomacy, over thirty female diplomats and 150 predominantly female attendees filled the foyer of her residence. Even fifty years ago, a room of this composition would not have existed; now, the space buzzed with the excitement of community-building, in large part due to the women present and their predecessors. Following Ambassador Byrne Nason’s speech, Women’s Foreign Policy Group Executive Director Alexa Chopivsky began her remarks and conducted the official ceremony. She honored a long list of female diplomats for their esteemed work and contribution to women’s leadership. Listening to the recitation of names of the women ambassadors and deputy chiefs of mission (DCMs) in attendance at the Celebration of Women Diplomats felt poignant. Each individual uniquely harnesses their own background and experiences to represent their country’s particular global interests, but as a collective, these diplomats serve as a testament to the power of women’s engagement in foreign affairs and as a beacon of hope for a more peaceful, secure, and collaborative future. In this vein, the event showcased a heartening display of community amongst, and mutual respect for, those of differing global perspectives, including between diplomats of diverse countries, representatives from the public, private, and nonprofit sectors, and professionals at various stages of their careers. The Women’s Foreign Policy Group is proud to have worked with the Embassy of Ireland to host this opportunity for cross-industry collaboration and, importantly, for recognition of trailblazing women in foreign policy. We look forward to next year’s installment of this event and continuing to honor those women who drive this field forward. This post was written by the Programs Interns at the Women's Foreign Policy Group.  As I look back at my first Women’s History Month in my role as Ambassador-at-Large, with all the events, the bilateral and multilateral meetings that typically characterize the month of March, my interactions with our incredible International Women of Courage will stay with me forever. For the past 18 years, the U.S. Department of State has bestowed the prestigious International Women of Courage Award on women from around the world who have shown exceptional courage, strength, and leadership in taking action to improve their communities, and to defend and advocate for the dignity and rights of others. I have long attended the ceremony as a member of the audience, but this time I had the opportunity to spend almost a full week with our amazing 2024 awardees as they participated in the International Visitor Leadership Program in Washington D.C. It was the opportunity of a lifetime, a privilege that comes with this job, a learning opportunity for which I am ever grateful. You can read all about their stories in their bios: Ajna Jusic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, who stepped forward from the shadows of social stigma to reclaim her identity, publicize herself as a child born of sexual violence, and become a leading advocate for other stigmatized children of war. Rina Gonoi of Japan, a survivor of violence and sexual harassment during her time in the Japanese Self Defense Force, whose decision to speak out resulted in important reforms and sparked a national conversation about accountability. Benafsha Yaqoobi of Afghanistan, a former Commissioner for the Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission, who in exile remains a tireless advocate for Afghans with disabilities. To read their stories, though, is not the same as to hear from them directly. We talked, in particular, about courage: what it is, what drives it, and what can sustain it in the face of almost unimaginable danger and cruelty. Here is what I learned. Courage is not the absence of fear. Our International Women of Courage, and far too many women and girls around the world, know fear all too well. Far too many live in conflict, displacement, or under the thumb of an autocrat. Far too many are suffering gender-based violence, threats and harassment, whether in times of war or in times of peace, whether in our homes, online, or on the street. The physical absence from the White House ceremony of one 2024 awardee, Martha Beatriz Roque, reflects the danger such courageous women endure, as the Cuban government restricted her movement and prohibited her from traveling abroad as a result of her human rights advocacy. Courage is not always a matter of choice. Often, it is thrust upon us, as an overwhelming need to do something about a grave injustice. For some of our International Women of Courage, it was driven by anger. Growing up in Iran’s Baluchistan province, 2024 awardee Fariba Balouch, a member of Iran’s marginalized Baluchi group, saw her community suffer violence, imprisonment, executions, and systemic discrimination at the hands of the Iranian regime; it was their suffering, the relentless undermining of their human rights that led to her activism, giving voice to the millions of women in Iran who continue to struggle for their basic freedoms, even as Fariba and her family have suffered. Courage is not an infinite resource; the challenges are great and are only growing. All of these women spoke about the toll their work has taken on their families, their health, their lives. Outrage at injustice may light the match, but every single one of our women talked about needing the fuel to keep that match lit. This was part of why the program was so moving: I could see in real time the energy and resilience that comes with knowing that they were a part of a community that supported them – that despite all the detractors and nay-sayers they were among a special cohort who will stand with them long after they return home. Courage, ultimately, is an act of love. Love for one’s family, one’s community, one’s country, and most importantly, of freedom. It’s love for her country and what she believes it should stand for that motivates Fawzia Karim Firoze, a Bangladeshi Supreme Court lawyer, every time she represents domestic workers without any other recourse to justice. It’s the same for Agather Atuhaire of Uganda, who uses her status as a journalist to speak out about the bravery of human rights defenders in her community and the cowardly acts of those who choose to silence them. It is the love that Fatou Baldeh, an advocate against Female Genital Mutilation in the Gambia, has not just for her young niece but for all of the young Gambian girls as she continues to speak out passionately against not just the abhorrent practice, but recent moves to overturn a ban against it. It is love and a need to see freedom for all of her fellow citizens that drives Volha Harbunova, a Belarusian human rights defender, who has faced imprisonment and torture at the hands of the Lukashenka regime for her tireless advocacy for the rights of women, LGBTIQ+ communities and other marginalized groups. As Volha put it, “Courage is when you care.” I know that my own role is to continue to ensure that these women never feel alone in their work. Our job is to always find the courage to care. Dr. Geeta Rao Gupta is the U.S. Ambassador-at-Large for Global Women’s Issues. a
Traditionally, it is difficult to prove the extent to which law enforcement, practiced humanely and with proper respect for human rights, yields deterrence. Former Director of the U.S. Department of Justice Office of Special Investigations Eli Rosenbaum recognizes this challenge, but his insights also underscore the importance of relentlessly pursuing justice in the hopes of possibly deterring future atrocities. Rosenbaum further stresses the current, uniquely urgent need for deterrence in international law with regard to the ongoing war crimes being committed in Ukraine, noting “those happening even as I speak”. Eli Rosenbaum addressed this challenging pursuit of deterrence during a discussion hosted by The Leadership, Democracy, and National Security Lab at Arizona State University on Thursday, February 8th, in Washington D.C. This event sparked a dialogue about Rosenbaum's extensive career, including his contributions to the investigation of war crimes in Ukraine, his analysis of lawfare’s strategic importance in safeguarding U.S. national security, and prevention of ongoing international crimes. Rosenbaum, who recently retired, previously held significant roles such as Counselor for War Crimes Accountability and Director of Human Rights Enforcement Strategy and Policy in the Human Rights & Special Prosecutions Division. In these capacities, Rosenbaum prosecuted cases involving World War II Nazis, facilitated the extradition of individuals for trial, and handled cases related to genocide in Rwanda, mass atrocities in 1980s Guatemala, and various other significant matters. Rosenbaum's expertise shed light on the specific challenges of prosecuting individuals involved in Nazi atrocities. He shared insights from cases he personally handled, such as that of John Demjanjuk, a Sobibor death camp guard. Despite legal victories, logistical hurdles often posed formidable obstacles, such as finding countries willing to accept deportees. His reflections also touched upon the historical failures of trials aimed at deterrence like those in Nuremberg and Tokyo. He emphasized how Cold War dynamics hampered their efficacy, highlighting limitations in international justice systems. Drawing from his experiences, he pointed out the shortcomings of the International Criminal Court (ICC), particularly in holding powerful nations accountable. These discussions underscored the critical need for innovative approaches to deterrence and accountability. The urgency of effective deterrence mechanisms was addressed in discussions surrounding ongoing conflicts, including war crimes in Ukraine and the humanitarian crisis in Gaza. Rosenbaum stressed the importance of bolstering international cooperation and resources for prosecution to address these pressing issues. Moreover, he highlighted the need to address existing legal gaps and explore avenues for future accountability. Within the next few years Rosenbaum hopes to see further research and detailed publications conducted on the potential legal reckoning in post-Putin Russia, examining parallels with post-Hitler Germany, where prosecutions persist decades after the fall of the regime. Rosenbaum pointed out that Russian officials and military personnel had committed appaling violations of both international criminal law and Russia's domestic legal framework. In light of their actions, which resulted in the loss of countless lives and the waste of national resources, an increasingly informed Russian population may ultimately seek accountability from them as dissatisfaction with ongoing conflicts persists, despite state propaganda and suppression. Rosenbaum highlighted the importance of legal experts in developing solutions that could be swiftly implemented in Russia when circumstances allow, suggesting a pathway towards accountability and justice in the post-Putin era. Rosenbaum's discussion illuminated the challenges and critical importance of pursuing justice to deter future atrocities. His insights showcase the ongoing struggle to uphold human rights and the rule of law in our complex global landscape. As we reflect on his words, we're reminded of the imperative for continued efforts to hold perpetrators accountable, both domestically and internationally. Rosenbaum remains hopeful for a future where justice prevails and urges us all to actively contribute to this noble endeavor. You can watch a recording of the event by clicking this link:America's Top Nazi-Hunter Speaks on Law as Deterrence. Sierra Jones is a student at Arizona State University and a programs intern at WFPG. a
Ninety-nine years ago, The Foreign Service was created. As The Foreign Service comes upon its one-hundredth birthday, still less than half of the Foreign Service is female. And as the ranks get higher, those numbers get smaller. For centuries, women have played a seminal role in advocating for a better world: standing on the frontlines of movements for nuclear disarmament, abolition, anti-war policies, voting equality, and human rights. Women have been engaging in ‘everyday diplomacy,’ long before the phrase became a tenant of our international lexicon. The soft skills - the ability to listen, think critically, look through a different lens, and facilitate cooperation - are foundational skills to hone in a world that is becoming more diverse by the day. And women have these skills in droves. Women - as a whole - tend to be less isolationist: both politically and professionally. And, in our increasingly globalized world, collaborative approaches are key. Former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright once noted that “as a diplomat, you have to be able to put yourself into the other person's shoes. Unless you can understand what is motivating them, you are never going to be able to figure out how to solve a particular problem.”Considering the world is grappling with what is the highest number of violent conflicts since World War II, it is obvious that the current hyper-militaristic, conflict-heavy foreign policy approaches aren't working. The Council on Foreign Relations found that the presence of women in positions of leadership can greatly reduce the likelihood of violent conflict emerging and bolster the prospects for the peaceful resolution of existing conflicts. Nevertheless, women are still often left out of many pivotal negotiation and decision-making processes. At last year’s COP28, only 15 of the 133 world leaders in attendance were women. In other powerful rooms, there are no women at all. It’s time for more representation in the field of diplomacy. However, that representation will only come when more pathways and pipelines are built for women to enter, stay in, and advance in the field of diplomacy. Once more efforts are made to dismantle systemic barriers, address implicit gender biases that are foundational in the field, create more gender-inclusive policies, and increase representation, we will see more women in diplomacy. I envision a world with more high-ranking female diplomats. More female cabinet members. More female heads of state. The first female Secretary-General of The United Nations. And more countries united - not by conflict and mutual enemies - but instead by mutual understanding. I believe diplomacy and leadership are no longer about speaking softly and carrying a big stick but instead speaking in a language that allows everyone - regardless of race, class, gender, and creed - to hear you. And breaking your biggest stick into pieces egalitarian enough that everyone has a share. Cathleen Jeanty is an Innovation Fellow at the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. This piece was selected as the winner of WFPG’s Student/Young Professional member essay contest for International Women’s Day 2024. There are many ways to prepare new students at a college or new young professionals just starting their careers and all the permutations of novices launching themselves in whatever sector or joining a new group. But in my experience by far the most effective way to onboard new people in whatever world or sector is mentoring. One can read all the books and articles, or watch videos or podcasts, or listen to briefings as preparation for starting a new path. But nothing is as powerful as having a fellow human being who has been down that same path before you to mentor you so you will get the most out of this new experience, and likewise the world you are entering will also benefit from a new member who will feel at home. Jan Hartman is a retired U.S. Foreign Service Officer. This piece was selected as the winner of WFPG’s Individual member essay contest for International Women’s Day 2024. When Ambassador of the Kingdom of the Netherlands to the United States, Birgitta Tazelaar, once addressed a room of United States security officials, she asked who identified as a feminist. She estimated that about 20% of the room raised their hands. However, when Ambassador Tazelaar then asked who in the room believed in gender equality, every hand in the room went up. Unlike the United States, the Netherlands is one of just fifteen countries that have implemented policies officially dubbed as “feminist foreign policy.” These American officials’ lack of conviction for the term “feminism,” defined as the concept of equality for men and women, was a far cry from the Dutch government’s perception of feminism. The Ambassador shared this paradoxical anecdote on February 7, 2024, at the Women's Foreign Policy Group event Shaping Tomorrow’s World with Feminist Foreign Policy, held at the Embassy of the Kingdom of the Netherlands and co-organized by Meridian International Center and the Embassy of the Netherlands. Ambassador Tazelaar joined Susan Markham, Director of the Halifax International Security Forum, and Stephenie Foster, Founding Partner at Smash Strategies, in a discussion moderated by Christina Lu, Staff Writer at Foreign Policy. The panelists discussed feminist foreign policy in depth, from its foundational framework to its successes and its challenges in front of dozens of interested audience members. The term “feminist foreign policy” was first coined in 2014 by Swedish foreign minister Margot Wallstrom and is broadly defined as the consideration of a gendered lens in foreign policy formation. Feminism in foreign policy measures, however, often includes elevating women’s voices in peacebuilding processes, targeting issues that disproportionately impact women, and incorporating input from women’s civil society organizations. Markham and Foster, co-authors of their new book Feminist Foreign Policy in Theory and in Practice, posited that feminist foreign policy has no standardized format for all countries. In their book, they break down the core components shared by effective feminist foreign policy and the variation in feminist foreign policy efforts from state to state. They provide examples of the differences in feminist foreign policy initiatives in different nations, like the emphasis on pacifism in Colombia and the Canadian processes that integrate gender-based analyses into all policy areas. Markham and Foster compared countries like the Netherlands, Colombia, and Canada with the United States. While the U.S. does have specialized areas within existing foreign policy mechanisms to address gender issues, such as the Office of Global Women’s Issues in the Department of State and the White House Gender Policy Council, officials are hesitant to use the term “feminist” in their policy. Furthermore, the isolation of gender issues to specific bodies rather than the integration of gendered perspectives throughout all policy areas leaves these issues underfunded and inconsistently implemented in practice. Beyond that, what policy there is frequently implies that women are monolithic and neglects the versatile roles women play in security issues. Markham illustrated this by noting that women are often treated as victims of violent extremism in policy when, in actuality, they can also be perpetrators in some situations. Beyond the practical inefficiencies of the U.S.’s incorporation of gender in foreign policy, Ambassador Tazelaar posited that the lack of the “feminist” label on foreign policy initiatives disadvantages the broader movement toward gender equality. To some, the term “feminism” itself carries a negative undertone that makes anything associated with it, positive or negative, unpalatable. Without the more “radical” term attached to policy, the Ambassador believes that opportunities to push for more unprecedented progress toward gender equality are squandered. As just the second woman to ever hold her job title, the Ambassador strongly supports gender equality in leadership positions, as does the Dutch government at large. The Netherlands has set goals of having women hold at least half of all ambassadorships and consulate positions by the year 2028 and has instated a mentorship program for women diplomats. Despite progress, the future of feminist foreign policy is volatile. All of the panelists were skeptical of the average person, Dutch or American, knowing what feminist foreign policy is, let alone vocalizing their support for it. Moreover, in a constantly shifting political climate, feminist foreign policy is not a guarantee between elections and administrations. Even Sweden, the first state to establish a feminist foreign policy agenda, has rolled back this decision due to the “divisive” nature of feminism. To keep progressing toward feminist foreign policy goals, Ambassador Tazelaar emphasized the need for hard data to back up the benefits of utilizing feminist foreign policy in areas like national security, international development, and economic growth. Foster also stressed the importance of gendered policy analyses to avoid critical gaps in policy as a whole. Ultimately, though, the de-stigmatization of feminism as a theory would solidify a strong future for feminist foreign policy. Only once every hand in a room of security experts and average citizens alike confidently raises in support of feminism can gender equality in foreign policy be realized. Riley Sullivan is a student at George Washington University and a programs intern at WFPG. On September 5th, the Women’s Foreign Policy group teamed up with Johns Hopkins Defence and Intelligence club to host award-winning journalist and author Liza Mundy for a discussion of her latest book, The Sisterhood: The Secret History of Women at the CIA. Mundy, whose works shine a light on overlooked chapters of American history, shared fascinating insights into the challenges and triumphs of the women who helped shape the CIA. Through her research using declassified documents and interviews she conducted with retired CIA employees and research including declassifying CIA documents, Mundy brought these pioneering women’s stories to life, highlighting their resilience in the face of discrimination.Because many women who were employees of the CIA were only able to obtain jobs related to clerking, Liza Mundy began by discussing the experiences of “vault women.” These "vault women," as she called them, were organizers of sensitive information and they often possessed extensive knowledge crucial to the CIA's success. Yet, they were frequently looked down upon and not given proper recognition for the importance of their contributions. Mundy emphasized the systemic challenges these women faced, such as only being recruited for clerk positions and facing the expectation to resign after marriage, despite being more qualified than their husbands. One particularly striking story was of a woman who spent ten years as a clerk before a male station chief recognized her hard work and skill, encouraging her to go to the training facility known as “the farm” to obtain a more prestigious role at the CIA. Even there, the woman faced stigma because she was not originally recruited to be a case officer.
One of the topics of Mundy's talk that intersects with the work of WFPG was her discussion of mentorship. While WFPG prides itself on helping young female students and professionals connect with more experienced female mentors within the foreign policy field, these connections were discouraged in the early years of the CIA. Women faced further stigma if they were considered to be “conspiring” with other women by forming close friendships and mentorships which made it difficult for these women to build community and support networks. Mundy noted that one woman even had an image of being unhelpful to other women because she had to be covert about her support of her female colleagues in order to not face stigma from male peers. The difference between women’s mentorship in the early years of the CIA compared to the prevalence of women’s mentorship programs today highlighted how far society has developed with regard to uplifting and supporting women.
The talk ended with a Q&A on topics including the mental health of female CIA employees and the importance of including women in discussions on national security. Liza Mundy emphasized that although the women she interviewed faced many setbacks in their careers with the CIA, their passion and dedication to their work is what encouraged them to persevere.
As an author who has written multiple books on overlooked women within the field of international affairs and national security, Liza Mundy raised important questions about how long journalists will need to continue “catching up” by uncovering untold stories. While we do not know the answer to this question, we are grateful that there are journalists and researchers dedicated to telling the stories of these historically overlooked women.
Brigid Rawdon is a recent graduate of William & Mary and the University of St Andrews and is an operations intern for WFPG.
|
Announcements
Join our mailing list here!
Not a Member? Learn about our membership options here.
Check out our latest newsletter, read Women in the World, and read our most recent VOICES blog posts!
Upcoming Events
| No events |